[ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

sieve." It thus became painfully clear to the president that Gray would not succeed in suppressing the leaks
from within.
There were also insurgents in the Treasury Department. Although the White House strategists had succeeded
in easing Rossides out of his key position as assistant secretary for law enforcement and operations, and had
managed to detach from the Bureau of Customs a large part of its investigative capacity, they had created
dangerous enemies for themselves in the Internal Revenue Service and in other branches of the Treasury
Department. Early in 1973, officials of the IRS surreptitiously leaked copies of President Nixon's tax returns,
which showed that he paid no taxes while he was president, to a Rhode Island newspaper. It subsequently
turned out that the tax deduction which allowed the president to forgo taxes during those years proceeded from
a document that had been illegally backdated by the Nixon appointee who had replaced Rossides, Edward
Morgan. Morgan was forced by the disclosure to resign immediately. The leaks from the Treasury Department
thus further undercut the planned reorganization of the Treasury Department's investigative agencies.
Even though the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs was scheduled to lose its independent status as an
investigative agency and to be merged into a new superagency in 1973 by Reorganization Plan' Number Two
(and the position of its director, John Ingersoll, was to be abolished entirely), die-hard officials at BNDD and
at other agencies kept fighting the consolidation by leaking damaging information about Myles Ambrose, who
was, according to Krogh, being considered by the White House for the job of administrator. For example, It
was recalled that Ambrose had been the house guest of a Texas rancher who was later arrested for
gun-running, as well as suspected of narcotics-smuggling; and information poured out of BNDD (and the
Bureau of Customs) on the Collinsville raids by the Office of Drug Abuse Law Enforcement. However,
Ambrose had no interest in heading the new agency, and he retired to private law practice in 1973.
As late as September 15, 1972, President Nixon believed that despite the leaks he would be able to win control
of major investigative agencies through his planned reorganization and then use these agencies to complete his
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The Revolt of the Bureaucrats
consolidation of power over the rest of the executive branch of the government. He told John Dean, "This is a
war. We take a few shots and it will be over. . . ." When Dean replied that he had taken notes on the enemies
of the administration, the president further explained:
I want the most comprehensive notes on all those who tried to do us in.... They were doing this quite
deliberately and they're asking for it and they are going to get it. We have not used the power in the first four
years as you know. We have never used it. We have not used the Bureau and we have not used the Justice
Department but things are going to change now and they [the investigative agencies] are either going to do it
right or go.
Dean realized, however, that with each disclosure, the carefully planned reorganization was coming undone,
and the domain that Nixon was attempting to gain over the investigative agencies was, in fact, slipping from
his grasp.
The new superagency, which was to be called the Drug Enforcement Agency, was still moving ahead; and in
this reorganization many of the bureaucrats who had opposed Nixon's will were replaced. The Nixon
strategists, however, who were to coordinate the activities of this new investigative agency on Nixon's behalf,
were all vulnerable to leaks and disclosures in the Watergate affair. John Ehrlichman and Egil Krogh, who
were the powers behind the scene in establishing the new agency, had both supervised the activities of Hunt
and Liddy in the special-investigations unit. It was only a matter of time before Hunt and Liddy, who were
then indicted as co-conspirators in the Watergate burglary, named Krogh as their immediate superior in other
burglaries (and even if they both remained silent, minor officials in the CIA and secretaries in the executive
office of the president knew of these activities). Krogh thus was quietly moved from the Domestic Council to
the Department of Transportation. Morgan, Krogh's former staff assistant who replaced Rossides in the
Treasurv Department, was compromised by the leaks from the IRS on Nixon s tax returns and had to resign.
Caulfield, who was to take over the Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms unit for the White House, had been
involved by John Dean in the cover-up, and therefore also had to resign. Santarelli, who had been appointed
the new administrator for the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, had been seriously damaged by a
leak from the Department of Justice about candid but embarrassing remarks he had made about President
Nixon, which were surreptitiously recorded at a luncheon by FBI agents and disclosed to the press. He was
thus forced to resign. In short, all the key loyalists whom the White House strategists had counted on for the
takeover of this new investigative agency had been driven from the government either by leaks from the
agencies they were planning on reorganizing or by their involvement in the Watergate affair. As Eugene
Rossides said to me in 1974, after he returned to his private law practice, "If not for Watergate, can you
imagine what they would have done with the Drug Enforcement Agency?" The revolt of the bureaucrats thus
succeeded in blocking Nixon's plan to gain control over the investigative agencies of the government in his
second term.
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The Coughing Crisis
Agency of Fear
Opiates and Political Power in America
By Edward Jay Epstein
32 The Coughing Crisis
I have ordered the Central Intelligence Agency, early in this Administration, to mobilize its full resources to
fight the international drug trade.
-President Richard M. Nixon, September 18, 1972 (in remarks before the International Narcotics Control
Conference in Washington, D.C.)
The Turkish poppy flower produced not only the opium base for illicit heroin but also the codeine base for
medical preparations. When a State Department official warned the Ad Hoc Committee on Narcotics Control
that the White House plan for eradicating the world's poppies might have "dire unforeseen consequences," a
White House aide retorted cuttingly, "If we can't foresee the consequences, why presume they will be 'dire."'
He then went on to ridicule "bureaucratic overcautiousness" and demand immediate action. Four years later,
the United States faced a massive coughing and painkilling crisis. The inventories of codeine, which provide
more than a half billion doses of cough suppressant and analgesic medicine each year, had fallen so
precariously low that the government was forced to release its strategic stockpiles of codeine base. The
licensed manufacturers of codeine medicines warned that unless the shortage was soon alleviated, they would
have to cut production drastically. They warned that by the end of 1974, they would have less than one
month's supply on hand, and the situation would be critical. [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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